IS THE PROBLEM OF SOUTHERN ITALY A REGIONAL  ECONOMIC ONE ?

NO,IT IS A RESULT OF  A POLITICAL CHOICE.

 

1.1  Introduction

 

First and foremost, it must be clarified that the political choice regarding the South of Italy is one of separation, crudely termed “divide and conquer”. This choice was made in Italy by the anti-capitalist entity immediately after unification, and is a choice which works against a unified Italy. It perpetrates the hostile attitude of the Church towards this unity, as well as the control over the South of Italy gained through Bourbon  State  rule (or the Reign of Naples, as it is otherwise known).

 

Economy, and more specifically regional economy, is the science that shows, and will continue to show, that Southern Italy is not managed according to the criterions of the economy, but according to political criterions of creation and maintenance of underdevelopment.  Anywhere in the world where this anti-capitalist entity acts there is underdevelopment, as can be seen in catholic Latin America, catholic Africa,  and the European and World communist zones.

 

Regional economy explains the underdevelopment of an area, and subsequently explains the reason why this area is not more underdeveloped.

 

If, however, there is an obstacle in acting according to the economy and falsely inciting “greater” matters, it becomes necessary either to not act at all or to act in opposition to the economy – what we have then is a politics of underdevelopment, and we have cornered the problem.

 

The act of so-called “support” for the problem of underdevelopment is, in reality, an act that creates and sustains underdevelopment.

 

The market, in any country, will always aid development on condition that it is allowed to operate.

 

In the South of Italy, underdevelopment is due to the desire to produce development based on industrialisation, which is a crudely  marxist and ideological tool and therefore false. The industry for free economy, on the other hand, is distributed according to a gravitational polarised model that in Europe has its centre-baricentre in the North of ex-Federal Germany (for instance the North Rein). This indicates, therefore, that the South of Italy is distant from this gravitational centre and cannot enjoy any great industrial development.

 

In this way the ideology of whole-development-given-by-the-industry is false and creates underdevelopment because it shows industrialisation as a single instrument, then it is shown as superior and imposed through communist politics. Industrialisation instead cannot allow for total development because the South is distant from the European industrial  gravitational pole.  This false ideological distortion that indicates industry as the only sector which allows for development, is the tool with which development that is obtained instead with the other two sectors, agriculture and the services  and  with demographic adjustment to economic conditions is boicotted.  Such demographic adjustment avoids the existence of an excess population, and the determination of chronic unemployment.  This is the basin of need, which the communist vote uses politically to perpetuate unemployment with the taking-up of development in the industrial sector. The latter cannot be developed in the South as it is too far away from the European industrial baricentre (called the ‘core system’), the heart of the system.  To falsely aim at industry and not use the other two sectors for development (agriculture and the service industry) and not facilitating demographic adjustment with the decrease of birth-rate, are the tools with which Italy maintains a state of underdevelopment in the South.

1.2  The lack of action towards the development of agriculture and the service industry, and the action of hindering demographic adjustment (against the decrease of birth-rate) as a means of producing and maintaining underdevelopment.

 

These three sectors are sufficient in explaining the underdevelopment of Southern Italy.

 

The lack of development of a modern agriculture and market in Italy has been promoted by the so-called De Marzi-Cipolla law, a true Communist law for which even the occasional conductor of a fund becomes practically fixed in his post with fifteen year obligatory contracts. 

 

It is evident that this type of contract has provoked the abandonment and lack of agrarian utilization of a great part of the agrarian areas of Southern Italy, because the possibility of a productive course- and therefore its entrepreneurial role-is removed from the fund’s owner.

 

Where abandonment has not taken place and there is tenancy, this is merely in await of its being overcome for minimal or indeed zero output.  It is therefore expected that in the foreseeable future these areas will be abandoned.

 

This communist regulation of agrarian contracts (or agrarian  pacts as they are called by the Soviets) alters the free formation of agrarian contracts and renumerations, and therefore destroys the advantages, bringing about the progressive lack of use of agrarian land.

 

Consider that also the contract of grazing-land has been made stable and assimilated into tenancy with very little renumeration. For this reason nobody gains advantage now in turning a piece of land into grazing-land, for risk of not being able to set foot on it any more.  Therefore, it is not convenient to use land for pasture because one risks losing the ability to enjoy it as its owner.

 

With this, in Italy the whole cheese, milk and meat product of a sector that would give efficient occupation and abundant incomes of enterprise are completely lost in Italy.  (The De Marzio-Cipolla law is of 1971 and with the changes from the 1968 law still produces damages)

 

A comparison with Italy’s developed neighbour, Switzerland, where the agricultural sector and sheep farming industry is kept under market conditions, allows us to see what the role of a modern agriculture obtainable with free agrarian contracts is. In Italy this is unachievable due to the Communist ideological treatment of agriculture in order to achieve the principle development proposed by industry only as the origin of Communist Trade Unionism and corruption of the free vote.  To vote communist, then, is to perpetuate the situation.

 

The ideological treatment of the Italian economy explains all of its demonstrations of backwardness, and the tenacity of Italians in not wanting to succumb to these ignoble measures explains all the positive aspects.

 

The South, therefore, is a problem created according to the principle of “divide and conquer” in which the South is a state unto itself, given into the hands of the Mafia. Here, underdevelopment is produced under the sole proposal of industrial development, which cannot be had because the industrial preferences of that territory are not good, given the distance from the baricentre of the industrial installations for Europe, in North Germany. 


 

1.3 The historical origins of the Southern problem date back to before the unification of Italy, and are due to the division of Italy produced by the Catholic Church in order not to have adjacent sovereign states.

 

The South was also kept in a condition of underdevelopment because it had poor industrial opportunities, and the Bourbon state was managed with a paternalistic and authoritarian imprint of dominion on poverty, according to the Church’s design.  This poverty could still be seen in the 1950’s with migration to Europe and the North of Italy for work.

 

These migration-tragedies arise out of the demographic politics of irresponsible procreation, following the indications of the Church, as well as the politics of economic non-development on the part of the authoritarian Bourbon Regime.

 

All the violent actions carried out by the Church and the residual effects of the Bourbons in the South of Italy in order to resist unification, were an attempt to preserve and build on control over Southern Italy, the ex-Bourbon state. They did this using the aforementioned instruments and a resistance to development which would have come from the merging of the Unitary State. This was then substitued by an armed resistance against the Unitary State: the development of that dark form of resistance and underdevelopment that would become known as the Mafia.

 

One might think that Fascism made a pact to maintain the South as the Church desired, the same Church which abandoned all Catholics (because yes, they were abandoned) in order to gain support, or at least a lack of hostility, on other national or international fronts.

 

And so the problem continues up to 1950, a postwar period in which Communism is not enjoying great health. Yet, to the South, policies of development do not come into play.

 

Only gradually does the hypothesis of industrialisation take root.  Here, we see the Communist’s true horse of Troy as they again attempt to get their own way, so as industrialisation is not possible in the South.  In reality, an industry and an assisted economy is created in the South of Italy to be used for the Communist vote, with which the same line of underdevelopment – which would guarantee political control - can be politically reproposed.

 

Today, the problem of the South is essentially the same as it was two centuries ago, and derives from the philosophy of keeping an area poor in order to control it.

 

The high level of unemployment is portrayed as a problem of underdevelopment and of the young (the latter being the true demographic fruit of the proposal of irresponsible procreation).  Thus, the forces who are truly behind this situation, the Church and Communism, remain hidden.

 

The continuous incitement of the South’s unsolved problems is in order to make people believe that these problems are difficult to resolve.  Nothing could be further from the truth.

 

The solution is simple.  Development of market conditions -and therefore of productivity- of the three sectors of agriculture, industry, and the service industry.

 

Good agriculture, little and good industry, and a good service industry (particularly in the field of tourism).

 

Allowing the South to rot in a regime of subsidy in order to keep it dependent, means that the South maintains this tendency of dependence – also because the possibility of migration to the North, which in the 50’s had allowed for the restructure of agriculture, has been intentionally removed.

 

This possibility of internal migration as a way of resolving problems of excess unemployment in the South was eliminated with the so-called “fair rent” law of residence. This name covers the true role of this infamous law, which determines the destruction of the renting market, for which Italy (the country with the greatest housing patrimony in the world per inhabitant), does not have the possibility to move its unemployed because there are no houses on lease.

 

Rent in Italy rose, in the period with a market of available lease, by a third of the average salary to one entire salary in today’s terms, what with “fair rent” or all the substitutive ties.  This increase is enormous, and explains the non-utility of migration to the North in search of employment, because this increase absorbs entire salaries and it is not convenient any more to move North.

 

On the other hand, the possibilities of being able to buy a house are even more unfavourable, as the reduction of the number of houses for rent has given rise to a demand for houses in ownership – raising prices irreparably, and therefore depriving would-be migrants to the North of the possibility of  purchase.

 

One can see, then, that these poles of impediment to development in the South, even in their legislative form, have been carefully created by the Church and by the Communists.

 

Now that the unemployed of Italy’s South can no longer migrate to the North, a situation of illegal migration has been practically forced upon the population, operating as it does seperately from the law and having the tendency to break up society, increase excesses of the market in the South and North, and with the destabilisation and promotion of illegality that such circumstances involve.

 

All the above in accordance with a plan that is contrary to welfare, and does not have the interests of the state and its citizens at heart. Rather, it serves the objectives of the Church and Communism, both of whom wish to break up the state through the destruction of civil society, the imposition of modes of behaviour and the organisation of society on principles the basis of which will then guide their political action and dominion.