
IS
THE PROBLEM OF SOUTHERN ITALY A REGIONAL ECONOMIC
ONE ?
NO,IT
IS A RESULT OF A POLITICAL CHOICE.
1.1 Introduction
First and foremost, it must be clarified that the political choice regarding the South of Italy is one of separation, crudely termed “divide and conquer”. This choice was made in Italy by the anti-capitalist entity immediately after unification, and is a choice which works against a unified Italy. It perpetrates the hostile attitude of the Church towards this unity, as well as the control over the South of Italy gained through Bourbon State rule (or the Reign of Naples, as it is otherwise known).
Economy,
and more specifically regional economy, is the science that shows, and will
continue to show, that Southern Italy is not managed according to the criterions
of the economy, but according to political criterions of creation and
maintenance of underdevelopment. Anywhere
in the world where this anti-capitalist entity acts there is underdevelopment,
as can be seen in catholic Latin America, catholic Africa,
and the European and World communist zones.
Regional
economy explains the underdevelopment of an area, and subsequently explains the
reason why this area is not more underdeveloped.
If,
however, there is an obstacle in acting according to the economy and falsely
inciting “greater” matters, it becomes necessary either to not act at all or
to act in opposition to the economy – what we have then is a politics of
underdevelopment, and we have cornered the problem.
The
act of so-called “support” for the problem of underdevelopment is, in
reality, an act that creates and sustains underdevelopment.
The
market, in any country, will always aid development on condition that it is
allowed to operate.
In
the South of Italy, underdevelopment is due to the desire to produce development
based on industrialisation, which is a crudely
marxist and ideological tool and therefore false. The industry for free
economy, on the other hand, is distributed according to a gravitational
polarised model that in Europe has its centre-baricentre in the North of
ex-Federal Germany (for instance the North Rein). This indicates, therefore,
that the South of Italy is distant from this gravitational centre and cannot
enjoy any great industrial development.
In
this way the ideology of whole-development-given-by-the-industry is false and
creates underdevelopment because it shows industrialisation as a single
instrument, then it is shown as superior and imposed through communist politics.
Industrialisation instead cannot allow for total development because the South
is distant from the European industrial gravitational pole. This
false ideological distortion that indicates industry as the only sector which
allows for development, is the tool with which development that is obtained
instead with the other two sectors, agriculture and the services
and with demographic
adjustment to economic conditions is boicotted.
Such demographic adjustment avoids the existence of an excess population,
and the determination of chronic unemployment.
This is the basin of need, which the communist vote uses politically to
perpetuate unemployment with the taking-up of development in the industrial
sector. The latter cannot be developed in the South as it is too far away from
the European industrial baricentre (called the ‘core system’), the heart of
the system. To falsely aim at
industry and not use the other two sectors for development (agriculture and the
service industry) and not facilitating demographic adjustment with the decrease
of birth-rate, are the tools with which Italy maintains a state of
underdevelopment in the South.
1.2 The lack of action towards the development of agriculture and the service industry, and the action of hindering demographic adjustment (against the decrease of birth-rate) as a means of producing and maintaining underdevelopment.
These three sectors are sufficient in explaining the underdevelopment of Southern Italy.
The
lack of development of a modern agriculture and market in Italy has been
promoted by the so-called De Marzi-Cipolla law, a true Communist law for which
even the occasional conductor of a fund becomes practically fixed in his post
with fifteen year obligatory contracts.
It
is evident that this type of contract has provoked the abandonment and lack of
agrarian utilization of a great part of the agrarian areas of Southern Italy,
because the possibility of a productive course- and therefore its
entrepreneurial role-is removed from the fund’s owner.
Where
abandonment has not taken place and there is tenancy, this is merely in await of
its being overcome for minimal or indeed zero output.
It is therefore expected that in the foreseeable future these areas will
be abandoned.
This
communist regulation of agrarian contracts (or agrarian
pacts as they are called by the Soviets) alters the free formation of
agrarian contracts and renumerations, and therefore destroys the advantages,
bringing about the progressive lack of use of agrarian land.
Consider
that also the contract of grazing-land has been made stable and assimilated into
tenancy with very little renumeration. For this reason nobody gains advantage
now in turning a piece of land into grazing-land, for risk of not being able to
set foot on it any more. Therefore,
it is not convenient to use land for pasture because one risks losing the
ability to enjoy it as its owner.
With
this, in Italy the whole cheese, milk and meat product of a sector that would
give efficient occupation and abundant incomes of enterprise are completely lost
in Italy. (The
De Marzio-Cipolla law is of 1971 and with the changes from the 1968 law still
produces damages)
A
comparison with Italy’s developed neighbour, Switzerland, where the
agricultural sector and sheep farming industry is kept under market conditions,
allows us to see what the role of a modern agriculture obtainable with free
agrarian contracts is. In Italy this is unachievable due to the Communist
ideological treatment of agriculture in order to achieve the principle
development proposed by industry only as the origin of Communist Trade Unionism
and corruption of the free vote. To
vote communist, then, is to perpetuate the situation.
The
ideological treatment of the Italian economy explains all of its demonstrations
of backwardness, and the tenacity of Italians in not wanting to succumb to these
ignoble measures explains all the positive aspects.
The
South, therefore, is a problem created according to the principle of “divide
and conquer” in which the South is a state unto itself, given into the hands
of the Mafia. Here, underdevelopment is produced under the sole proposal of
industrial development, which cannot be had because the industrial preferences
of that territory are not good, given the distance from the baricentre of the
industrial installations for Europe, in North Germany.
1.3 The historical origins of the Southern problem date back to before the unification of Italy, and are due to the division of Italy produced by the Catholic Church in order not to have adjacent sovereign states.
The
South was also kept in a condition of underdevelopment because it had poor
industrial opportunities, and the Bourbon state was managed with a paternalistic
and authoritarian imprint of dominion on poverty, according to the Church’s
design. This poverty could still be
seen in the 1950’s with migration to Europe and the North of Italy for work.
These
migration-tragedies arise out of the demographic politics of irresponsible
procreation, following the indications of the Church, as well as the politics of
economic non-development on the part of the authoritarian Bourbon Regime.
All
the violent actions carried out by the Church and the residual effects of the
Bourbons in the South of Italy in order to resist unification, were an attempt
to preserve and build on control over Southern Italy, the ex-Bourbon state. They
did this using the aforementioned instruments and a resistance to development
which would have come from the merging of the Unitary State. This was then
substitued by an armed resistance against the Unitary State: the development of
that dark form of resistance and underdevelopment that would become known as the
Mafia.
One
might think that Fascism made a pact to maintain the South as the Church desired,
the same Church which abandoned all Catholics (because yes, they were
abandoned) in order to gain support, or at least a lack of hostility, on other
national or international fronts.
And
so the problem continues up to 1950, a postwar period in which Communism is not
enjoying great health. Yet, to the South, policies of development do not come
into play.
Only
gradually does the hypothesis of industrialisation take root.
Here, we see the Communist’s true horse of Troy as they again attempt
to get their own way, so as industrialisation is not possible in the South.
In reality, an industry and an assisted economy is created in the South
of Italy to be used for the Communist vote, with which the same line of
underdevelopment – which would guarantee political control - can be
politically reproposed.
Today, the problem of the South is essentially the same as it was two centuries ago, and derives from the philosophy of keeping an area poor in order to control it.
The
high level of unemployment is portrayed as a problem of underdevelopment and of
the young (the latter being the true demographic fruit of the proposal of
irresponsible procreation). Thus,
the forces who are truly behind this situation, the Church and Communism, remain
hidden.
The
continuous incitement of the South’s unsolved problems is in order to make
people believe that these problems are difficult to resolve.
Nothing could be further from the truth.
The solution is simple. Development of market conditions -and therefore of productivity- of the three sectors of agriculture, industry, and the service industry.
Good agriculture, little and good industry, and a good service industry (particularly in the field of tourism).
Allowing
the South to rot in a regime of subsidy in order to keep it dependent, means
that the South maintains this tendency of dependence – also because the
possibility of migration to the North, which in the 50’s had allowed for the
restructure of agriculture, has been intentionally removed.
This
possibility of internal migration as a way of resolving problems of excess
unemployment in the South was eliminated with the so-called “fair rent” law
of residence. This name covers the true role of this infamous law, which
determines the destruction of the renting market, for which Italy (the country
with the greatest housing patrimony in the world per inhabitant), does not have
the possibility to move its unemployed because there are no houses on lease.
Rent
in Italy rose, in the period with a market of available lease, by a third of the
average salary to one entire salary in today’s terms, what with “fair rent”
or all the substitutive ties. This
increase is enormous, and explains the non-utility of migration to the North in
search of employment, because this increase absorbs entire salaries and it is
not convenient any more to move North.
On
the other hand, the possibilities of being able to buy a house are even more
unfavourable, as the reduction of the number of houses for rent has given rise
to a demand for houses in ownership – raising prices irreparably, and
therefore depriving would-be migrants to the North of the possibility of
purchase.
One
can see, then, that these poles of impediment to development in the South, even
in their legislative form, have been carefully created by the Church and by the
Communists.
Now
that the unemployed of Italy’s South can no longer migrate to the North, a
situation of illegal migration has been practically forced upon the population,
operating as it does seperately from the law and having the tendency to break up
society, increase excesses of the market in the South and North, and with the
destabilisation and promotion of illegality that such circumstances involve.
All
the above in accordance with a plan that is contrary to welfare, and does not
have the interests of the state and its citizens at heart. Rather, it serves the
objectives of the Church and Communism, both of whom wish to break up the state
through the destruction of civil society, the imposition of modes of behaviour
and the organisation of society on principles the basis of which will then guide
their political action and dominion.